The relevance of Christianity is as hotly contested today as it has ever been. A New History of Early Christianity shows how our current debates are rooted in the many controversies surrounding the birth of the religion and the earliest attempts to resolve them. Charles Freeman’s meticulous... read more
“There are enough similarities between these three gospels <Mark, Matthew and Luke> to deserve the title 'synoptic' ('with one eye'). Mark had established (or had himself followed) a model that, with additions and developments, his two immediate successors were prepared to follow. Yet it is also extraordinarily difficult to draw any kind of coherent theology from these gospels. Jesus hovers somewhere in between heaven and earth, sometimes closer to one than to the other, but always in some form of special relationship with God. None of the titles conferred on him assume divinity – this would have been impossible within the Jewish context in which he is presented. It is not always clear whether the kingdom has already arrived or is yet to come. There remains a tension between his mission as a universal saviour and as leader of a small specific sect that had distinguished itself by an absolute commitment to him and the rejection of others. His relationship with the Jews remains ambiguous.”
“Whatever the forces that brought the final canonical texts of the New Testament together in the fourth century, they did not achieve a coherent body of teachings that could be used easily by believers. They were not selected for their compatibility on major issues, such as the nature of Christ. They show rather the different ways in which Christ was being worshipped in an age when communities were still trying to find meaning for their beliefs.”
“When the demand for theological certainty grew in the fourth century onwards, different factions in the debate were drawn to different texts, some to the synoptic gospels as against the gospel of John, some to Paul as against the gospels. This was understandable and inevitable. It would prove particularly difficult to define the relationship between Jesus and God and the degree to which Jesus was divine while on earth and, if so, how this related to his humanity. Did he swap over from divinity to humanity at will or was he some kind of composite spiritual/human being at all times? The New Testament certainly provides no unambiguous answers to any of these questions. What it does provide is evidence of vitality and diversity within the early Christian world, an important legacy for those trying to understand how the history of Christianity developed.”
“The early Christian communities present a major challenge for the historian: the sources are so limited. However, we may gain insights from modern examples of small independent churches. In James Ault’s account of Baptist fundamentalism in the United States, 'Spirit and Flesh,' for instance, he explores the setting up of a small Baptist community in Worcester, Massachusetts in the 1980s. ... The personality of the preacher proved important, as did the atmosphere of welcome that the community provided, especially as there were so many rival Christian groups in the town for believers and searchers to choose from.”
“Ault’s study reminds us how many issues Christians can disagree on, especially when situations arise when a very small disagreement reflects deeper personal tensions within the group. So when one reads in the New Testament of 'false teachers' and those who deny Christ in the flesh, there is little to be surprised about. The so called 'Didache' … of AD 100 speaks of the problem of recognizing genuine prophets in a way that would have been instantly familiar to Ault’s fundamentalists.”
“<The First Letter of Clement> is important evidence of an emerging church hierarchy. Even if the early Christian communities had been egalitarian, the traditional Jewish division between a priestly elite and the laity had reasserted itself. By 100 there are the first references to bishops as senior to presbyters and deacons. The Greek word 'episkopos' originally meant an overseer and so its early use by Paul does not necessarily imply a bishop in the sense of an authoritative leader of a church community. By the early 100s, on the other hand, in the letters of Ignatius, the episkopos is treated as an important figure in his own right: 'You are clearly obliged to look upon the bishop as the Lord himself,' he writes.”
“Who were the early members of Christian communities? They appear to have been a diverse group. Many remained close to Judaism, certainly to its scriptures, even if they had by now rejected the need for circumcision, ritual diet and sacrifice. … Others may have been from that elusive group, the so-called God-fearers who lingered on the edge of the Jewish communities without giving them full commitment. Then there was the wider gentile community targeted by Paul. Some of these would have been used to cults involving initiation rites, collegiate activities including shared meals and belief in a spiritual world that somehow transcended the evils of the material one and so many features of Christianity might have been familiar to them. Greek was the language of the church – even in Rome. The earliest Christian text in Latin is dated to about 180. In the western empire, this meant that Christians were distinguished from their fellow pagans <sic?> by language as well as belief.”
“The position of women is more complex. Jesus was clearly open to them, ready to associate even with those who were considered dissolute by his apostles. Paul claims to give women equality with men before Christ. Yet, …one senses a completely different response to the presence of women. Jesus was adamant in his condemnation of divorce but he does not seem to have been preoccupied with the temptations of physical contact in the way that Paul was. Jesus .... transcends sexuality. Paul is consumed with fears of his own unworthiness and refers often to the destructive power of lust. He regards celibacy as preferable to marriage for those who can control their desires (but marriage for those who cannot, ‘Better to marry than to burn’) and this approach became popular. … This was in conflict with traditional Jewish views on the importance of marriage and family life. However, Christianity did provide roles for women that may have been denied them elsewhere.”
“Traditionally these early Christian communities have been portrayed as having a strong sense of mission and purpose. They were, it was said, already well on their way to defining what would later become 'the church,’ making an effective break with their Jewish roots in the process. Yet most of the texts speak of disputes and divisions and an ambivalent attitude to Judaism. The more that is known of the diversity of Judaism, the more it is understood that there could be distinct Christianities that evolved from different Jewish traditions. The empire itself was so fragmented and any new Christian community would have to adapt to local pagan conditions to survive. It seems difficult, then, to talk of any form of institutional church at this date <circa AD 100>. The picture is rather of many different conceptions of Jesus and ways of worshipping him. Some more rooted in Judaism than others.”
“It used to be argued that Greek culture was stagnant in the second century AD, especially when compared to the achievements of the classical era of the fifth and fourth centuries BC. … This claim of a moribund Greek world has long since been exploded. Archaeological research and a renewed interest in Greek literature of the period have shown that Greek culture was buzzing, dynamic and expansionist. Certainly the Greeks had been shattered by the experience of defeat and humiliation at the hands of the Romans in the second century BC but their conquerors valued Greek civilization and by the second century AD confidence in their intellectual superiority had returned. In fact, it was under Roman rule that Greek culture penetrated more fully into the civilizations of the eastern Mediterranean than it had ever done in the aftermath of the conquests of Alexander <the Great>.”
“A series of apocryphal stories (meaning, in this context, texts, usually of a much later date, wrongly attributed to the apostles or other early Christians) of the apostles written in the second or early third centuries are often disregarded as of no historical value, yet they tell a great deal about how Christians saw themselves in this period. They share a common theme. An apostle arrives in a city, preaches and converts many. Usually a high-born woman is among the converts and she then calls on her husband to renounce sexual relations with her. The infuriated husband succeeds in return in having the apostle sentenced to death. The emphasis is not only on the distastefulness of sex, 'horrid intercourse' as the Acts of Thomas puts it, but on the apostle challenging the traditional social hierarchy and the subverting of the institution of marriage. Christians are presenting themselves as the representatives of a counter-culture.”
“<Justin Martyr’s ‘Dialogue with Trypho the Jew’> raises a number of issues that have often resurfaced in the history of Christianity. For a start, which text does one use? The Christians use the Septuagint <Hebrew Bible in Greek> but surely, Trypho argues, the original Hebrew is preferable, especially when discussing issues such as the virgin birth where Matthew has used a faulty translation of the Hebrew. (Justin is forced into replying that he believes the translation to be more trustworthy than the original!)”
“Trypho accuses the Christians of interpreting the texts to suit their purpose, using allegory in an unjustifiably imaginary way to support their beliefs. One can understand why Jews felt angry with this. Why should their own scriptures be twisted to support the claims of an upstart religion that considered itself superior? Often, Trypho remarks, it is clear that a reference, to a king, for instance, is to a king in the text itself; in one case he cites Solomon. One could not pretend that here the term 'king' actually refers to Jesus. In short, in so far as it rested on Jewish prophecy the whole of Christian belief is built on weak foundations.”
“In short, it is hard to talk of a gnostic movement, still less of a gnostic church, in the second century. A preferable approach is to see Christian theology in this era as interplay between Gentile newcomers, many of them well educated in Greek philosophy, and more traditional Christians. … The ‘gnostics’ were often doing no more than asking the questions that intelligent outsiders could be expected to ask of a movement which was still not clear in itself about what it believed. Some of their answers were extreme, straying into the realms of myth-ridden fantasies; others were not so different from those of their co-religionists.”
“However, in order to make his theology 'fit' with history <Bishop> Irenaus often distorts the past. He believed that to be fully representative of humankind, Jesus had to live through every phase of human life including old age. This forces him to argue that Jesus lived to be an old man, even to the reign of Trajan (which began in AD 98). It is not clear whether he believed that this was a resurrected Christ who had lived on as such for many years or whether the crucifixion took place when Jesus was old. Irenaeus claims that it was the apostles who passed on the tradition that Jesus lived to be an old man, even though the gospels make it quite clear that he was crucified in his thirties and, according to Luke, was only present in a resurrected form for forty days. Irenaeus ignores this contradiction.”
“Tatian, a <2nd century> Greek Christian from Syria ... set about creating a single version of the four gospels, known as the Diatessaron (‘through the four’). It may have been written in the author’s native Syriac (although it was probably soon translated into Greek). Tatian omitted the genealogies of Christ in Matthew and Luke (these contradicted each other and could hardly be reconciled) but reproduced much of the rest of the gospels, though in a revised chronological order. With duplicate verses omitted, the harmonised gospel was just over 70 per cent of the length of the original four. The Diatessaron became very popular in Syria and the east. … <Then> Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, a city on the Euphrates, Collected up about two hundred copies of the original Diatessaron in the 450s, destroyed them and replaced them with versions of the canonical gospels. Even so, it is fascinating to note that the Koran refers to a single Christian gospel and this may well be the Diatessaron.”
“<According to canons promulgated in the fourth century by a council of bishops that met at Elvira, Spain> <t>he normal penalties for infringing the rules of conduct are a period of penance, sometimes as much as ten years, or excommunication. … A male adulterer may be pardoned on his death bed if he renounces his partner: if he recovers and resumes the relationship he can never be readmitted to the church. Women who leave their husbands for another man can never be readmitted to the church, even on their deathbeds. Consecrated virgins who break their vows and do not repent are permanently excommunicated. If they do repent and refrain from further sex, they may be offered communion but again only on their deathbeds. In comparison to the harsh treatment of sexual misdemeanors, other offences attract less condemnation. Seven years excommunication from the church for a woman who intentionally beats her slave girl to death, five years if the death is not caused intentionally, seems lenient.”
“As a more authoritarian Christianity developed in the <fourth> century, Origen's optimistic ethos came under scrutiny. The pre-existence of souls, the subordination of Jesus to God the Father, his belief in the limited nature of hell, all aroused suspicion. It was one of the paradoxes of Christian history that as Christians came to live in greater freedom, their own perception of the power of God became more pessimistic.”
“There was now confusion as charge and counter charge followed each other until Constantine intervened. … ‘<U>rging all towards agreement, until he had brought them to be of one mind and one belief on all matters in dispute.’ His means of doing so was a bombshell. He suggested, possibly on his own initiative, perhaps at the instigation of <his trusted advisor> Ossius, that the correct way of describing the relationship between Father and Son was to declare them homoousios, ‘of one substance’. The motive was probably to isolate Arius through inserting a phrase that his supporters would never accept. … <One problem was that> Paul of Samosata had used <homoousios> to describe the relationship between Christ as logos and God, and he had been declared heretical in the 260s. While one might be able to make some distinction between Paul’s use of the word and its use at Nicaea, the odour of heresy lingered.”
“Almost everyone signed up to it. Eusebius of Caesarea, who joined the majority, was deeply unsettled by the whole occasion and had to write to his congregation explaining why he had assented to the homoousios formula. He glosses over the problem as if it were of little import but his embarrassment is obvious.”
“No one knows where the basic text of the Nicene creed originates …. It was probably provided at short notice, possibly by Eusebius of Caesarea who did indeed claim that it was his local creed. The final version, with its additions, was compromised by the overwhelming desire to isolate Arius. <One of its anti-Arian condemnations> left it unclear whether Jesus was distinct from the Father at all – in other words it smacked of Sabellianism <a heresy that said Jesus was a temporary manifestation of God>. More reflection would probably have avoided this. Nor was there any assertion of a Trinity. The only reference to the Holy Spirit was ‘And I believe in the Holy Spirit’. The assembled bishops had missed their chance to describe any relationship between the Spirit and Father and Son.”
“One has to agree with Richard Hanson, the author of the fullest study of the affair, that ‘the Creed was a mine of potential confusion and consequently most unlikely to be a means of ending the Arian controversy’. All this is understandable in the context of a council that was concerned more with backing the authority of the bishops and the state than with theological precision. No one could have imagined that the creed, even when modified at the Council of Constantinople in 381, would become the core of the Christian faith.”
“<Constantine encouraged Arius> to sign an acceptable statement of beliefs and urged the new bishop of Alexandria, Athanasius, to readmit him to the church. Athanasius refused, to the fury of Constantine, who banished him from his see and exiled him to Gaul. Constantine had little time for those who spurned compromise. The bishop of Constantine’s new capital Constantinople had to be asked to carry out the ceremony. He was about to comply but on the way to the ceremony Arius collapsed and died in a public latrine. His opponents saw this as the vengeance of God on a heretic.”
“Once, when he was asked about his relationship to the church, Constantine replied that he was a bishop for those outside the church, not for those already inside, and it is true that he usually kept his distance from the institution. The bishops attended him, not he their church. They often offended him by their intransigence. ‘You, the bishops, do nothing but that which encourages discord and hatred and, to speak frankly, which leads to the destruction of the human race,’ was one remarkable outburst.”
“In traditional histories of the church, it was, and in some cases still is, taught that Nicaea had promulgated a creed which relected ‘the truth’, even the established tradition of the church, and this was subverted by ‘Arian’ heretics until Nicaea was reasserted by the assembled bishops at the Council of Constantinople, called by Theodosius in 381. This view, which originated in the accounts of the winners in the debate, such as Athanasius and Jerome, will no longer do. Nicaea was a muddled formula, adopted in the heat of the moment to achieve the political purpose of isolating Arius and this was recognized, not least by Constantine, as soon as the dust had settled. The church historian Socrates, writing a century after Nicaea with access to documents now lost, had letters of bishops before him in which they expressed their confusion over the term homoousios.”
“It was hard enough to make a philosophically coherent case for the pre-existence of Christ but even more difficult to say with any authority when this pre-existence might have begun. While there was a wealth of relevant New Testament texts, in the gospels, where Jesus talked about his relationship with the Father, and in the letters of Paul, where the apostle expressed his own thoughts, these were far too varied to forge into any kind of coherent theology. The twenty-seven texts of the New Testament had not been selected for their compatibility on this question and everyone could find passages from scripture to support their views.”
“One of the more impressive expressions of the mainstream subordinationist view is to be found in a creed drawn up by a small council of bishops at Sirmium (in the Balkans) in 357. The participating Greek-speaking bishops refused to endorse any formula relating to the creation of Jesus. ‘It is clear that only the Father knows how he begot his Son, and the Son how he was begotten by the Father’ was their sensible response. They were wise enough to recognize that this was an issue beyond human knowledge. The bishops went on to reject the word homoousios <of the same substance> on the grounds that it had never appeared in scripture. Instead, it seemed obvious to them that the Father was superior to Jesus. … One of the key points in the subordinationist position was that God could not suffer. If Jesus Christ was ‘one in substance with the Father’ then he would not be able to suffer either.”
“Ulfilas now worked with Goths settled in the empire and he produced a Gothic translation of the Bible, remarkable in that he left out some of the most warlike texts of the Old Testament on the grounds that his congregations needed no further encouragement to be warriors!”
“In Athanasius’ Life of Anthony, Anthony is presented as an unlettered man, a committed Nicene who rejects learning but who confounds philosophers by sheer force of personality whenever they come out to the desert to debate with him. The Life of Anthony circulated widely, inspiring many others, including Augustine. It is ironic that letters of the real Anthony have been discovered which show that, in contrast to the fabricated anti-intellectual of Athanasius, he was well educated and able to write profoundly on asceticism.”
“We are handicapped by our lack of knowledge of western theology in this period. In the eyes of Greek contemporaries, it did not amount to much: ‘You will not find that any one of the western nations have any great inclination for philosophy or geometry or studies of that sort’, was the dismissive comment of the emperor Julian on the matter and many Greeks argued that Latin did not have sufficient subtlety as a language to deal with theological issues. One recent exhaustive study of the Nicene disputes has to admit that ‘our knowledge of Latin Christology and Trinitarian theology in the west between 250 and 360 is extremely limited and certainly not such that we can make certain judgements about its overall character’.”
“Paradoxically Athanasius, who claimed to put scripture before philosophy, was acutely vulnerable if the debate was rooted in the scriptures. So he hit on the device of classifying all subordinationists as followers of Arius and then lambasting all as heretics. Tract after tract followed against the Arians. Here Athanasius was at his most unscrupulous. Anyone who opposed him on political or religious grounds was declared to be an Arian. The devil was said to have inspired the Arians’ use of scripture. The Arians were so wicked that they could only be compared to the Hydra … They were no better than Jews or corrupted by the philosophy of the pagans. The cumulative effect of this invective was so great that the dispute became known as the Arian controversy, even though Arius had been only one representative of the subordinationist tradition. It did nothing to raise Athanasius’ reputation as a theologian among his contemporaries. This was power politics not philosophical debate.”
“In his Contra Galilaeos (‘Against the Galileans’) Julian used his considerable knowledge of the scriptures to highlight their contradictions. Why is there no recognition in the synoptic gospels of Jesus’ divinity, for instance? The use of Old Testament prophecies as harbingers of Christ is arbitrary and unjustified. Why did God create Eve if he knew that she would thwart his plans for creation? Within this critique, Julian made a sophisticated plea fro religious toleration, on the grounds that each culture needed to define the supreme divinity in its own way.”
“Themistius had two concerns, the fear that a restored Christianity would lead to a backlash against pagans and a deep anxiety that Christian infighting was undermining the stability of the empire. He pleaded for mutual tolerance. Themistius stressed the impossibility of anyone, an emperor included, controlling the human soul. Persecution of the body could never destroy the freedom that was intrinsic to its identity. Instead God had implanted ‘a favorable disposition to piety’ in human minds but had left each to follow its own path. God actually enjoyed being worshipped in a number of ways, a positive appreciation of the tolerance of God that later disappeared from western thought. In any case, Themistius went on, a society was only healthy if it allowed free competition between individuals and ideas.”
“Basil <of Caesarea> was concerned in particular to bring the Holy Spirit into the Godhead and … some form of equality with Father and Son. His most enduring work is his On the Holy Spirit of 375 … its terminology reappears in the revised version of the Nicene creed which the bishops drew up at the Council of Constantinople in 381.”
John's gospel, probably written in the 90s, talks of believers being gathered in the kingdom of God in heaven, a good example of how the gospel texts developed to meet the changing needs of the early Christian communities.Highlighted by 6 Kindle customers
The idea of a covenant with God was one of the many features of Judaism that was to be absorbed and refashioned by followers of Jesus Christ.Highlighted by 6 Kindle customers
The challenge to use the gospels as sources was made even greater when a fourth gospel that took a very different form and approach was composed at the end of the first century.Highlighted by 5 Kindle customers
Jesus himself never wrote any account of his ministry or his teachings. Most of his followers were illiterate and there is no known document written by an eyewitness to Jesus' life,Highlighted by 5 Kindle customers
The challenge in understanding why God's love might be expressed in the appalling torture of his `only Son' remains formidable. It seems to offend one's deepest ethical instincts. It is also difficult to reconcile the love of God with his apparent willingness to confine so many individuals to eternal punishment.Highlighted by 4 Kindle customers
When Peter arrived in the city from Jerusalem, he found himself dealing face to face with the Gentile Christians. He began eating with them, once again crossing the boundaries of acceptable Jewish behaviour. Then a Jerusalem delegation arrived from James and they were furious at what they saw. Peter gave way under the pressure, much as he had done after Jesus' arrest, and broke off his relationship with the Gentiles.Highlighted by 4 Kindle customers
The picture is rather of many different conceptions of Jesus and ways of worshipping him, some more rooted in Judaism than others.Highlighted by 4 Kindle customers
The dramatic moment of his conversion comes, perhaps in 34, on the road to Damascus, where Paul was planning to extend his campaign against Christians. Christ appears as if in a vision, berating Paul for his persecutions.Highlighted by 4 Kindle customers
An observant Jew would attend the Temple three times a year: at the Passover, which was linked to the Feast of the Unleavened Bread that immediately followed it, Pentecost, and the feast of the Tabernacles.Highlighted by 4 Kindle customers
With so much confusion within the gospel accounts, whether women saw Jesus or not, and whether in Galilee or Jerusalem or both, whether he was a spiritual being (Paul) or a human one, able to eat and display his wounds but also with the ability to vanish at will (Luke's Emmaus appearance) and go through closed doors (John), it is impossible to provide a coherent narrative account of what was seen.Highlighted by 3 Kindle customers
The name of the Byzantine emperor Marcian is misspelled as "Marcion" on page 301. The index does not list page 301 for either "Marcian" or "Marcion." Marcion was a a second century leader of an eastern Christian sect that came to be regarded as heretical. Marcian was a fifth century emperor.
The index also fails to include all references to words, names and places. For example, the city of Lyons in Gaul (today, France) is only given a citation on page 209 even though it is also mentioned on 157.
These are not the only typos in the book, but they are the only ones specifically recalled. There is at least one other.
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